Rummel vs. the isolationist libertarians

I know it isn't everyone's cup of tea, but Professor R.J. Rummel is having an interesting discussion on his blog Democratic Peace.


Personally, I have always viewed libertarians the same way I see evangelical protestants. They are usually politically friendly forces (Yes, I know that sounds vaguely Leninist.) who are most often on the correct side of the important questions. Unfortunately, there is a fundamental flaw in the foundation of each system.

As a Roman Catholic, it is obvious to me that flaw is a disordered relationship with God. Of course, conservative evangelicals are closer to the truth than your usual agnostic libertarian.

While I pray for the conversion of all souls, this is not a theological discussion. Political results are what concern us here.


Here's a bit of the exchange which hinges on the participants' opposing attitudes toward our current war. (You do remember we're at war, don't you?)


RJR: From my reading, talks to libertarians, and exchanges of emails, a majority of libertarians are not only negative on the American war against Hussein, but also are against an active policy of promoting democratic freedom abroad, and seem not to understand that we are involved in a war against terrorism that requires military aid and troops in many countries, such as the Philippines and Afghanistan, and an active homeland security. If the National Libertarian Party had its way, we would essentially leave ourselves defenseless at home and abroad. Add to this that democracy itself is thought by many libertarians to be a dirty word, and libertarian attacks on the idea of a democratic peace, and you should see why I sought a concept -- freedomism -- that while believing in maximum freedom separated those who agree with me from these isolationist, anti-democratic (see the last quotes from Knapp, below) libertarians.

Knapp alleges:
Professor Rummel's characterization of libertarians as eschewing advocacy or action for freedom outside the borders of the countries in which those libertarians live is blatantly and irrefutably false, as the existence and work of (to name but three of many organizations) the International Society for Individual Liberty and Libertarian International Organization establishes. In the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse, libertarians and libertarian organizations -- in person and with monetary and moral support -- flocked to Russia and eastern Europe to encourage the flowering of freedom. A political movement whose members were unconcerned with freedom outside the borders of the states from which they hailed would not hold international conferences, fund new think tanks in countries emerging from dictatorship, raise funds to publish -- often without any prospect of profit -- libertarian texts in the native languages of countries other than the authors'[2], and so forth.

RJR: I am wrong only if I claim that all libertarians and their groups fit my characterisization. I do not. But, most do, so I've seen. And more power to the minority that have helped the establishment of freedom in other countries. This is one of those disagreements that depends on personal impressions. Citations and references do not help, since we all can be selective. But, surely the National Libertarian Party platform should have some weight in this.

We now get to Knapp's surprising interpretation:

At one time, Professor Rummel held that "[t]o eliminate war, to restrain violence, to nurture universal peace and justice, is to foster freedom (liberal democracy)." It is apparent that, at some point since, he has drastically altered that conclusion: For he now holds that war and violence, even at the cost of peace (an obvious cost in any war) and justice (arguably a cost at least in the particular war at issue), are acceptable methods so long as they have the effect of spreading democracy.

In fairness to Professor Rummel, he advances his new argument along two axes: The imperative of spreading democracy, and the notion that not to do so endangers existing democracies:"[I]n an age of readily transportable biological weapons, such as anthrax, and nuclear weapons, no longer can a country like the U.S. sit back and ignore what goes on elsewhere in the production and deliverability of such weapons. In the hands of those who hate the democracies and their libertarian values, democracies have too much vulnerability to attack. Now, involvement and intervention in the rapacious affairs of thug regimes is of necessity a protection of democracies, not to mention advancing human rights and the freedom libertarians praise."

RJR: One, I do not advocate war or violence against any and all non-democracies. In general, I have argued that fostering democracy can and should be done nonviolently, unless the regime is a threat to the security of democracies. Two, even regarding "rapacious affairs of thug regimes," war against them is not the only or necessarily best recourse (as of Sudan and Burma, for example). There are many nonviolent courses of action, such as sanctions, support for internal pro-democracy movements (as we are doing in Iran), appeals to the UN, submission of documents to the international Court of Justice, and so on.